WHOOAAHH!!
There's something on my mind
Won't somebody please -- PLEASE! -- tell me what's wrong
You're just a fool, you know you're in love
You've got to face it, to live in this world
You take the good along with the bad
Sometimes you're happy, and sometimes you're sad
You know you love him, you can't understand
Why he treats you like he do, when he's such a good man
He's got me smilin' when I should be ashamed
Got me laughin' when my heart is in pain
Oh -- no, I must be a fool
But I'll do anything he wants me to do
You're just a fool, you know you're in love
You've got to face it to live in this world...
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"A Fool in Love" - written by Ike Turner
------------- Several versions and performances of this song are on You Tube, pick some and Play Them.
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New York Times headlines
Fired Officer Is Indicted in Breonna Taylor Case
Ginsburg Remembered as Champion of Justice as Struggle Continues Over Her Successor
White House Accused of improperly Politicizing Review of John Bolton's Book
The account by a former National Security Council official also implied that the Justice Department may have told a court that the book contains classified information and opened a criminal investigation based on false pretenses.
Trump Won't Commit to 'Peaceful' Post-Election Transfer of Power
China's Pledge to Be Carbon Neutral by 2060: What It Means
California Plans to Ban Sales of New Gas-Powered Cars in 15 Years
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"The Election That Could Break America"
by Barton Gellman in The Atlantic
(continued)
...He could prevent the formation of consensus about whether there is any outcome at all. He could seize on that uncertainty to hold on to power.
Trump's state and national legal teams are already laying the groundwork for postelection maneuvers that would circumvent the results of the vote count in battleground states. Ambiguities in the Constitution and logic bombs in the Electoral Count Act make it possible to extend the dispute all the way to Inauguration Day, which would bring the nation to a precipice.
The Twentieth Amendment is crystal clear that the president's term in office "shall end" at noon on January 20, but two men could show up to be sworn in. One of them would arrive with all the tools and power of the presidency already in hand.
"We are not prepared for this at all," Julian Zelizer, a Princeton professor of history and public affairs, told me. "We talk about it, some worry about it, and we imagine what it would be. But few people have actual answers to what happens if the machinery of democracy is used to prevent a legitimate resolution to the election."
Nineteen summers ago, when counterterrorism analysts warned of a coming attack by al-Qaeda, they could only guess at a date.
This year, if election analysts are right, we know when the trouble is likely to come.
Call it the Interregnum: the interval from Election Day to the next president's swearing-in. It is a temporal no-man's-land between the presidency of Donald Trump and an uncertain successor -- a second term for Trump or a first for Biden. The transfer of power we usually take for granted has several intermediate steps, and they are fragile.
The Interregnum comprises 79 days, carefully bounded by law. Among them are "the first Monday after the second Wednesday in December," this year December 14, when the electors meet in all 50 states and the District of Columbia to cast their ballots for president; "the 3d day of January," when the newly elected Congress is seated; and "the sixth day of January," when the House and Senate meet jointly for a formal count of the electoral vote.
In most modern elections these have been pro forma milestones, irrelevant to the outcome. This year, they may not be.
"Our Constitution does not secure the peaceful transition of power, but rather presupposes it," the legal scholar Lawrence Douglas wrote in a recent book titled simply Will He Go?
The Interregnum we are about to enter will be accompanied by what Douglas, who teaches at Amherst, calls a "perfect storm" of adverse conditions. We cannot turn away from that storm. On November 3 we sail toward its center mass. If we emerge without trauma, it will not be an unbreakable ship that has saved us.
Let us not hedge about one thing. Donald Trump may win or lose, but he will never concede. Not under any circumstance. Not during the Interregnum and not afterward. If compelled in the end to vacate his office, Trump will insist from exile, as long as he draws breath, that the contest was rigged.
Trump's invincible commitment to this stance will be the most important fact about the coming Interregnum. It will deform the proceedings from beginning to end. We have not experienced anything like it before.
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